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{December 17, 2011}   Open Letter to Mr. Nawaz Sharif

Nawaz Shareef

Preseident PML(N)
Raiwind, Lahore, Pakistan

Dear Mr. Shareef
First of all please accept my congratulations on being elected as party president unopposed. This indicates the trust your workers have in your kindself. However
I want to inform you (although you must be aware of it) about the deep concerns of Oversees Pakistanis about the day by day growing relations of PMLN with notorious Terrorist Organizations like Taliban, Sipah e Sahaba and now Laskar e Jhangvi as well.

PMLN is one of the biggest political parties in Pakistan and we want to see it growing day by day through legal and democratic means.
For the last 1 year, there have been dramatic changes in your party’s policy about joining hands with the organisations, banned by previous Governments (including your own Government as well) due to their involvement in terrorism against the state and people.

Firstly there was a “Verbal Move” by your brother and CM Punjab saying “We and Taliban have the SAME goal” whilst every Pakistani knows Taliban are being funded by anti Pakistan powers to weaken Pakistan on one hand and blot the sacred name of Islam on the other hand by their Satanic activities.

Then PMLN drew a shameful agreement with Sipah e Sahaba in June 2008 bye elections while Mr. Shahbaz Shareef was to be elected “Unopposed” from PP 48, Darya Khan, Bhakkar. Molvi Abdul Hameed of Sipah e Sahaba with drew in his favour in exchange for an assurance for releasing all the mass killers and blood thirsty terrorists including Ghulam Rasool Shah and Malik Ishaq which by no chance could be released without the involvement of Government.

Thursday, July 14 was a “Black day” for each Pakistani when Malik Ishaq was released with 100s of bullets fired outside the Jail to give him a “Red Carpet Welcome” by the Punjab Government. All other terrorists had already been released as the government did not peruse their cases. Ishaq himself had acknowledged in Papers to kill more than 100 innocent Pakistanis in target killings, bomb blasts and attack in Mosques. He was also involved in killing of Iranian Diplomats and “Organized” an attack on Sri Lankan Cricket Team, certainly due to the facilities provided to him by the Punjab Government within the Jail. He further managed to kill 8 witnesses against him one by one while he was “under trial” in the so called “Courts” and on each killing, the government acted as a “Silent Spectator”.

The recent news is that your nephew Hamza Shahbaz is to contest from Jhang District, and Shahbaz Government as an exchange would facilitate the release of some more mass killers from the Jails by not persuing their cases and “Gifting” a seat in Senate to Molvi Ludhanvi who is the master mind of most terrorist activities being carried out in Pakistan.
Mr. Shareef!

While the “unchallenged” (rather state sponsored) terrorism is the biggest problem in Pakistan and the poverty strickenpeople are having blood baths every day, PLEASE do not leave the people on mercy of these blood thirsty terrorists.

PLEASE do not embrace these enemies of Islam, Pakistan and the people of Pakistan in an attempt to grab few votes.
PLEASE do not release any more terrorists; we cannot see the innocent blood running in the streets shed by your allies SSP, Taliban and Lashkar e Jhangvi.

The major support for PMLN comes from the business class which is most effected by the terrorism
I do hope Mr. Shareef, as a shroud politician, you would reconsider your party policy and adopt a rightful and democratic path instead of joining the terrorists and indulging into terrorism.
Fire is fire; it kills EVERY ONE

Yours sincerely

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In 1995, a former ISI official told reporters that he had arranged meetings between Nawaz Sharif and Osama bin Laden. Nawaz Sharif was allegedly looking to bin Laden to help fund his 1988 campaign for Prime Minister, and was willing to say anything to get it.

“Nawaz Sharif insisted that I arrange a direct meeting with the Osama, which I did in Saudi Arabia. Nawaz met thrice with Osama in Saudi Arabia. The most historic was the meeting in the Green Palace Hotel in Medina between Nawaz Sharif, Osama and myself. Osama asked Nawaz to devote himself to “jihad in Kashmir”. Nawaz immediately said, ‘I love jihad.’ Osama smiled, and then stood up from his chair and went to a nearby pillar and said, ‘Yes, you may love jihad, but your love for jihad is this much.’ He then pointed to a small portion of the pillar. ‘Your love for children is this much,’ he said, pointing to a larger portion of the pillar. ‘And your love for your parents is this much,’ he continued, pointing towards the largest portion. ‘I agree that you love jihad, but this love is the smallest in proportion to your other affections in life.’”

This wasn’t the last we heard of Nawaz Sharif’s friendship with Osama bin Laden. In 2007, ABC News reported that Sharif took bribes from bin Laden to look the other way as militants carried out their plans in Pakistan.

Cloonan says that back in 1999 Mohamed told the FBI he arranged for a meeting between bin Laden and Sharif’s representatives. Following that meeting, Mohamed told Cloonan he delivered $1 million to Sharif’s representatives. Mohamed said the payoff was a tribute to Sharif for not cracking down on the Taliban as it flourished in Afghanistan and influenced the Northwest Frontier Province in Pakistan, according to Cloonan.

New evidence has surfaced, though, that suggests those meetings were merely the beginning of a long relationship between Nawaz Sharif and Osama bin Laden.

Nawaz Sharif, a two-time former prime minister of Pakistan and current head of one of the country’s major political parties, has met with Osama bin Laden on numerous occasions, and it was in fact the al Qaeda leader who developed the relationship between Sharif and the Saudi royal family, says a former Pakistani intelligence official.







 

“Birds of the same feather flock together.”

 

When the Taliban starts criticizing someone, you should have a second look at that person. When Taliban terrorists say that Imran Khan is the slave of America and Europe, it actually means that they support the Big Khan or his views, and that is perhaps the game plan.

Establishment wants to have such a person in Islamabad who could act as both a progressive and conservative decoy, while also remain popular with the masses. Imran Khan is the perfect match for that. Foreign educated with foreign looks with clipped English accent, this former batsman has also got a soft corner for the Taliban, and he could play carrot and stick with American toeing the line of establishment beautifully.

To add icing to the cake, he is also right now representing the popular wave of Change. I know that these days it is out of fashion to talk against Imran and his Tehrik for Insaf, but we already have a horde of scared cows and it wouldn’t perhaps hurt much to have one more, but blogs are at least one way to dress down these sacred cows.

By the way, for the naive ones, the news is that it is common knowledge in the Islamabad journalistic circles that Imran has met with General Kayani four times after midnight along with columnist (and perhaps future president) Haroon Rashid this month alone.




Dr. Hasan Askari Rizvi

The threats to the Pakistani state include socio-cultural intolerance, religious extremism and the use of violence to pursue self-articulated narrow ideological agendas. If these negative trends are coupled with a faltering economy, there is little hope for a stable, democratic Pakistan.

ANALYSIS: New opportunity and old challenges…

Reconciliation between the PPP and the MQM is a major relief to Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani who had been running around last week to muster support to save his government. The MQM has adopted a two-step strategy to join hands with the PPP. In the first stage, the MQM is returning to the official benches and will wait and see if the prime minister fulfils the commitments made to the MQM regarding its political interests in urban Sindh, especially Karachi. If the MQM is satisfied with the progress and the revived PPP-MQM relationship works smoothly, it will return to the federal cabinet in the second stage.

It is a love-hate relationship between the PPP and the MQM. They often dislike each other’s politics but, as the two major political forces in Sindh, they cannot afford to fight with each other all the time. They build pressure on each other to improve their bargaining power but tend to settle down after some noisy discourse and troubled interaction. The MQM has one advantage. Its political domain is limited to urban Sindh, enabling it to stay focused on limited issues and function more coherently. The PPP, on the other hand, is not merely entrenched in rural Sindh but has support in other provinces too. It has to accommodate the concerns of a wider and diversified political spectrum, making political management a cumbersome exercise.

The changed political environment is expected to enable the federal government to devote more attention to serious political and economic problems and the growing polarisation between the religious groups and others in the aftermath of the shocking assassination of Salmaan Taseer on January 4, 2011.

This assassination by a religious zealot has brought to the surface what most of us were not prepared to admit: the major threat to the Pakistani state and society comes from within. These threats include socio-cultural intolerance, religious extremism and the use of violence to pursue self-articulated narrow ideological agendas. If these negative trends are coupled with a faltering economy, especially neglect of the poorest of the poor, there is little hope for a stable, democratic Pakistan.

These problems cannot be addressed without taking tough decisions about the economy, governance and political management. No government can do this without the support of other political parties and societal groups. The opposition political parties are not willing to extend any support or offer an alternate plan of action to resolve these issues. Their partisan outlook does not enable them to look beyond their immediate political interests, i.e. the failure of the federal government.

The latest crisis developed when the JUI-F and the MQM separately decided to quit the coalition and move towards the opposition. Both had their own grievances and decided to walk away at a time when the federal government was under internal and external pressure. However, no single opposition party could move a vote of no-confidence against the federal government. Only the PML-N can initiate a vote of no-confidence but it cannot succeed without getting the support of at least three parties and independent members. It could not put together such an opposition coalition quickly enough.

Two other factors restrained the PML-N. First, Nawaz Sharif cannot become prime minister because he is not a member of the National Assembly. Therefore, the PML-N would have found it hard to create a consensus within the party on any other name and then win support from other political parties to secure the required votes for removing the present prime minister, getting a new prime minister elected and then ensuring a vote of confidence for him. Second, the PML-N knew that its coalition government would have to depend on the support of the smaller parties, including the parties that had betrayed the PPP. This would have made the PML-N hostage to the smaller parties.

The PML-N has therefore adopted the policy of waiting and watching. However, it decided to build pressure on the PPP by giving two deadlines — one of three days and the other of 45 days — for taking steps to implement the proposed PML-N agenda. The PML-N ultimatum has lost relevance due to the return of the MQM to the government’s side.

If Nawaz Sharif forces the PPP ministers to quit the Punjab cabinet on the non-fulfilment of his agenda, it will amount to shooting himself in the foot. The PPP and the PML-Q are likely to work together, which will increase pressure on the PML-N government. If the PML-Q is able to win back its forward bloc, the PML-Q-PPP coalition may opt for a vote of no-confidence against the PML-N government in the Punjab.

The stage for the return of the MQM to the government was set by the latter’s decision to withdraw the enhanced prices of petroleum products on January 6, a questionable decision on economic grounds. However, it gave political space to the prime minister to win back support and provide face-saving to the MQM to return to the PPP’s side. This decision has also won some goodwill for the PPP at the public level.

The federal government has now retrieved its majority. However, long-term survival depends on winning more support and addressing acute economic problems that seem to have compounded with the reversal of petroleum prices, low industrial productivity and little new investment.

The federal government faces the additional challenge of resurgent religious extremism and militancy that will consolidate its gains in the aftermath of the assassination. The orthodox religious groups, unable to assume a commanding role through the electoral process, view street agitation and intimidation as effective instruments for pursuing their religious agendas. They are expected to continue with street agitation, emotional religious appeals and threatening statements to force their choices on society.

Opposition parties like the PML-N, PML-Q and others are not expected to help the federal government stem the current tide of religious extremism. They are interested in their immediate agenda of getting rid of the PPP government. They are not bothered about the long-term implications of religious extremism and militancy for the state and society.

The federal government needs to pay immediate attention to sustaining a stable coalition, quickly taking steps to salvage the economy and curbing the growing polarisation between the religious and other sections in society. It is a tall order but anything short of this threatens the long-term survival of the federal government, if not the current democratic political order.

The writer is a political and defence analyst



et cetera
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